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Extra resources for Art in the Lives of Immigrant Communities in the United States
Commenting on the lack of local galleries to support plans for a monthly community arts open house, he noted: So, we have been setting up exhibits within the businesses themselves. For example, in [a] Gym, a beautiful old factory space, they put art on the walls and along the perimeters of the gym. In the same building on the first floor, where we used to have a bakery, the sitting area was turned into a gallery. We generally have good cooperation with businesses. Even [a local politician] has turned his reception area into a venue for exhibition.
C. seifert, and d. vitiello nonprofit culture does not carry over to their participation in informal cultural activities or in commercial culture. Several possibilities might explain this divergence. To the extent that the centrality of nonprofit organizations in cultural production and consumption in the United States is exceptional, immigrants’ low involvement in the sector may simply reflect a lack of familiarity with the rules of the game. Alternatively, low immigrant involvement may result from particular historical circumstances; the recent immigrant wave coincided with a period of significant retrenchment within the nonprofit arts sector as public and philanthropic funding stagnated or contracted.
On the one hand, the recent cultural history of Philadelphia’s established black community created a fertile ground for black immigrant artists. Yet, at the same time, the influx of African and Caribbean immigrants into African American communities has created a new set of tensions. migrants and philadelphia’s cultural economy 43 Although older African Americans—who have been interested in their African roots for three decades—are eager consumers of African-centered cultural practices, a younger generation of less-well-off urban youth are more often indifferent to African culture and see recent Africans and Caribbeans as rivals and competitors.